求助一篇作文(1000字的)

让科学走进生活
科普互动剧 我来说两句
一直很难忘记这样一个例子：说一位当教师的爸爸突然有一天让其读二年级7a64e59b9ee7ad94364的女儿比划一下1米有多长，女儿不会；又让其量一下书桌长多少，结果连尺都不会用，可是她会做1米=100厘米，而且连续两次期末考还都是100分。另外，我们同学中也经常遇到这样的作业：小明身高1.5厘米，爸爸体重60克，一支粉笔长8米，一棵大树高12分米……对于这样的答案，老师们表现出来的很多是摇头叹息，认为现在的学生真是不可理喻，一点生活常识都没有，简直无可救药。真的是这样吗？显然不是。我想那是因为在传统教育教学中，生活化教育还没有被提到日程上来，或者只是停留在口头上，学生都是一味地坐在教室“啃”书本，没有生活的经验、没有实践的体验，他们只有唯一的标准，固定的格式，没有独特之个性的张扬，智慧之树的生长，想像之鸟的高飞，创新之花的绽放。这是我们日常学习过程中缺乏了体验式教育的不良后果。
江苏科技馆举办的科普互动剧展演活动正好弥补了这方面的缺憾，把我们的生活中常见的一些科学问题，采用多媒体方式集中地予以展现，让学生在生活中亲身体验，寓教于乐。科普互动剧是在国内外新兴的独特、新颖的科普形式。它以多个原理简单、现象明显的物理、化学实验为基础，配以相应的剧情，通过艺术表演的形式向孩子们传授科学知识，弘扬科学精神。是将科学知识、实验、戏剧情节等以舞台表演剧的形式展现出来，使青少年学生观众感受和体验科学知识，激发青少年对科学的兴趣。科普互动剧拉近了枯燥的科学知识与孩子们的距离，以奇幻的实验效果和幽默有趣的表演形式给孩子们留下难忘的记忆。
十一长假期间，我和爸爸妈妈一起走进了科学的殿堂。在国庆节的当天下午，我去参加了江苏科技馆举办的科普互动剧展演活动，欣赏了由南京芳草园小学表演的《魔盒》。真实不看不知道，一看吓一跳。《魔盒》介绍的主要是一种新型环保溶剂，可以把平常非常难以处理的泡沫包装材料直接溶解，化于无形，很有意思。后来芳草园小学的同学又介绍如何把一杯清水变成一杯“牛奶”，把一杯“牛奶”又变成一杯“橙汁”，把一杯“橙汁”变成一杯“西瓜汁”。看上去很神奇，听爸爸讲解了之后，我终于明白原来是化学的力量在起作用。
我本来觉得科学离我们生活很遥远，实际上，在学习和生活过程中，我们处处都会遇上科学的例子。除了化学反应以外，物理学、仿生学、气象学等方面的知识，我们也随处可见。如我们乘坐电梯下降的时候瞬间失重，电梯快速上升的时候还有些感觉超重，实际上都是物理力学的反应；看到蜻蜓飞翔和蓝鲸在海上浮出水面的情形，原来与飞机飞行的姿势和潜艇的出没水面的姿态并无二致，实际上这些都是科学家们在研究了昆虫和海洋动物以后，利用仿生学原理的发明和创造。
因此，我觉得，在学校学习期间，如能够将生活与科学有机的结合起来，融为一体，真正体现学生是学习的主人，注重学习科学的过程与方法，使学生在活动过程中，自觉的学科学、用科学，不但能够开阔我们作为新世纪学生的视野，丰富知识结构，巩固科学技能，而且能够培养我们新世纪学生的创新意识和创造能力，张扬我们这个年代学生的活泼个性，促进学生的全面可持续发展。
生活处处是教育，生活中的学生是一星星需要点燃的火种，是一颗颗需要激活的苞芽。在日常的生活之中孕育着无数个科学真理，需要我们细心的学生去发掘、去发现。伟大的物理学家牛顿就是看到了苹果掉在地上，才发现了影响人类历史进程的万有引力定理。
同学们，不要轻视生活、不要小看生活，我们要在生活中学习科学，在学习过程中细心体验科学，在前人研究成果的基础上不断创新，不断完善。
让科学走进生活，让科学走进校园！

题目里面有百太多度的错误了专！
If you are given an opportunity to further your education abroad, which (country) would you like to go to, and which school would you like to choose, and why?
不算数，参考属：
You want to go to another country, another one in which to learn,
bur for all the information, it is English to which you should turn.
Reading Chinese is useless, for it is better to read English,
or English is not reviewed, and it becomes Chinglish.

Good luck.
Old soldiers never die
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, and Distinguished Members of the Congress:
I stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great American architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. Here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. I do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. They must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. I trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which I have to say as solely expressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow American.
I address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. The issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. While Asia is commonly referred to as the Gateway to Europe, it is no less true that Europe is the Gateway to Asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. There are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. I can think of no greater expression of defeatism. If a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. The Communist threat is a global one. Its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. You can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in Asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in Europe.
Beyond pointing out these general truisms, I shall confine my discussion to the general areas of Asia. Before one may objectively assess the situation now existing there, he must comprehend something of Asia's past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. Long exploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the Philippines, the peoples of Asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
Mustering half of the earth's population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. Whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of Asian progress and it may not be stopped. It is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
In this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the Asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. What they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. Their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war's wake. World ideologies play little part in Asian thinking and are little understood. What the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. These political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
Of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the Pacific Ocean in the course of the past war. Prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the United States lay on the literal line of the Americas, with an exposed island salient extending out through Hawaii, Midway, and Guam to the Philippines. That salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
The Pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. All this was changed by our Pacific victory. Our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire Pacific Ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. Indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the Americas and all free lands of the Pacific Ocean area. We control it to the shores of Asia by a chain of islands extending in an arc from the Aleutians to the Mariannas held by us and our free allies. From this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every Asiatic port from Vladivostok to Singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as I said, from Vladivostok to Singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the Pacific.
Any predatory attack from Asia must be an amphibious effort.* No amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. With naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental Asia toward us or our friends in the Pacific would be doomed to failure.
Under such conditions, the Pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. It assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. Our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and expense. It envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. The holding of this literal defense line in the western Pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
This is a military estimate as to which I have yet to find a military leader who will take exception. For that reason, I have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must Formosa fall under Communist control. Such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the Philippines and the loss of Japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of California, Oregon and Washington.
To understand the changes which now appear upon the Chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in Chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. China, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. The war-making tendency was almost non-existent, as they still followed the tenets of the Confucian ideal of pacifist culture. At the turn of the century, under the regime of Chang Tso Lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. This was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of Chiang Kai-Shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
Through these past 50 years the Chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. They now constitute excellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. This has produced a new and dominant power in Asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with Soviet Russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for expansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
There is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the Chinese make-up. The standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
I have from the beginning believed that the Chinese Communists' support of the North Koreans was the dominant one. Their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the Soviet. But I believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in Korea but also in Indo-China and Tibet and pointing potentially toward the South reflects predominantly the same lust for the expansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
The Japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. With a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war's wake, erected in Japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
Politically, economically, and socially Japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. That it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in Asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the Japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. I sent all four of our occupation divisions to the Korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon Japan. The results fully justified my faith. I know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
Of our former ward, the Philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the existing unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war's terrible destructiveness. We must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. A Christian nation, the Philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of Christianity in the Far East, and its capacity for high moral leadership in Asia is unlimited.
On Formosa, the government of the Republic of China has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the Chinese mainland. The Formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
With this brief insight into the surrounding areas, I now turn to the Korean conflict. While I was not consulted prior to the President's decision to intervene in support of the Republic of Korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. Our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when Red China intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
This created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the North Korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
Such decisions have not been forthcoming.
While no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental China, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
Apart from the military need, as I saw It, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the Yalu, I felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against China; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the China coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of China's coastal areas and of Manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the Republic of China on Formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
For entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to Korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless American and allied lives, I have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the Korean campaign, including our own Joint Chiefs of Staff.
I called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. I made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the Yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly Chinese Force of some 600,000 men on Formosa, if not permitted to blockade the China coast to prevent the Chinese Reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
We could hold in Korea by constant maneuver and in an approximate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. I have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
Efforts have been made to distort my position. It has been said, in effect, that I was a warmonger. Nothing could be further from the truth. I know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. I have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. Indeed, on the second day of September, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the Japanese nation on the Battleship Missouri, I formally cautioned as follows:
"Men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. Various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. From the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. Military alliances,
balances of power, Leagues of Nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. The
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. We have had our last
chance. If we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
Armageddon will be at our door. The
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. It must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
But once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
War's very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
In war there is no substitute for victory.
There are some who, for varying reasons, would appease Red China. They are blind to history's clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. It points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. Like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"Why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" I could not answer.
Some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with China; others, to avoid Soviet intervention. Neither explanation seems valid, for China is already engaging with the maximum power it can commit, and the Soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. Like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
The tragedy of Korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. It condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy's sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
Of the nations of the world, Korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. The magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the Korean people defies description.
They have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. Their last words to me were: "Don't scuttle the Pacific!636f70797a686964616f332"
I have just left your fighting sons in Korea. They have met all tests there, and I can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
It was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. Its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and anxiety.
Those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
I am closing my 52 years of military service. When I joined the Army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. The world has turned over many times since I took the oath on the plain at West Point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but I still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
And like the old soldier of that ballad, I now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as God gave him the light to see that duty.

武汉SWGCXY生物技术系分团委－－－
在新的学期里，第０７届学生会在总结第一学期工作经验的基础上，将进一步贯彻生物技术系的优良传统坚持“团结、务实、创新”的工作精神，紧密围绕学生会“自我教育，自我管理，自我服务”的方针，加强内部建设，激发自身活力；维护学生权益，以培养学生的综合素质为重点；营造良好的学术文化氛围，开展丰富多彩的文娱体育活动，继续用我们的创意和努力为同学们服务，为老师服务。
一、工作重点
1、 继续完善并落实学生会各项制度
为使学生会组织具有强大的凝聚力和战斗力，确保学生会工作正常运行，我们在总结第一学期工作经验的基础上，进一步完善和健全学生会的各项工作制度和运行机制，特别是档案管理制度、会议制度财务管理制度以及办公室值班制度及工作贯彻执行制度等等，加强内部建设。在第一学期实施的过程中，已经显露出这些制度仍然存在不适应和待加强落实的地方，因此我们找到自己的短处并吸收和采纳好的意见和建议，制定＜生物技术系分团委学生会工作要求＞，建议并加强执行力度。
2、 抓紧对基层学生会干事的指导工作，加强彼此的交流和联系
本学期我们将加强对基层学生会干事工作的指导，通过更广的途径、更新的形式去了解基层学生会的工作情况，听取他们对系学生会工作的意见及建议，例如组织部部长参加各院系学生会的重要工作会议、制定并实施各部门干事蹲点制度、充分利用学生会，展开多种形式的交流活动，如部长联席会议、部门扩大会议、调研活e799bee5baa6e59b9ee7ad94335动、趣味运动会等，去促进彼此间的联系，使整个学生会系统更加有效率地运作，增强学生会系统的凝聚力。
3、 开展一系列调研工作，加强学生会与同学的联系
为广泛听取同学们对学生会的意见，及时了解同学们所需，集思广益，加强学生会与同学的联系，我们有组织、有计划地开展一系列调研工作。我们将以外联部和学通部为基础，制定详细的调研工作计划，注重于调研的实效性、广泛性和深刻性，尽量调动整个学生会系统的力量，聆听多方面的声音。真正意思上使学生会与广大学生走到一起去。
4、 抓好学生会的宣传工作，加快学生会工作网络化建设
本学期我们将会开展一系列大型活动，包括：迎新活动．学生会调研活动．系与系联仪活动．院系学生会联仪活动．系与系工作交流活动．院系招聘会．生活系统与宿保系统评优等等，为扩大我们系学生会在全校范围的影响，必须狠抓宣传工作，充分利用宣传栏、海报、学生会网页及论坛等宣传途径，并加强与校广播台等媒体的合作，拓宽我们的宣传领域。
5、 开展生活系统评优、宿管系统评优及优秀干事部长评优工作
我们将在总结上两年的评优经验的同时进一步完善评优制度，认真完善各项评比竞争机制，制定“评优工作进展计划”，并广泛听取基层学生会干事成员的意见，将评比准则合理化，把评优工作做到公开、公正、公平，使各班级组织进一步焕发活力，全面促进我系学生会系统工作的开展。
二、各部工作计划（要点）
（一）纪检部
1、定期整理归纳工作资料（包括计划书、工作总结、会议记录等）；
２、改善办公室环境，加强办公室管理，制定《关于改革“办公室管理制度”的建议》；
３、做好学生会值班及签到的检查工作和督促工作
4、开展学生会干部年度评优工作时，检查各干事在一学年中违规违纪行为，作为重点参考；
5、做好学生会换届选举工作
（二）学习部
1、组织学生会调研活动工作；
2．学生会查课工作的安排及汇报，要做到出现问题第一时间报到各辅导员手中，并做好纪录交系总支审查
3．做好辩论赛的安排工作，及时掌握社会和学科动向，以便为为辩论赛做好准备工作。
4、在学生会网上开辟“大学生论坛”，紧跟时事热点、校园热点，开设不同专题，并倡导学习第一，其他第二；
（三）宣传部
1、更高质高效传达学生会工作和活动，做好学生会各项活动的宣传工作，包括迎新纳新．迎新晚会．调研活动．趣味运动会．院系招聘会．红旗学生会评比．等等系列宣传任务；
2、继续做好宣传栏管理工作，包括宣传栏规范使用、借用条例、检查登记以及宣传维护工作；
3、举行书法培训课，提高宣传部干事的书法水平，并在培训过程中加强沟通。
（四）体育部
1.举办好系篮球赛相关工作，把高水平篮球运动员登记，为校篮球赛做准备
２.好运动员的选拔与培训
３做好院运动会的工作，相应结果及时汇报
4．大一早操的督察与检查，做好详细纪录，以留备用
（五）外联部
1、做好学生会的外联工作，并加强实践，深入到社会，为同学提供更多的社会实践机会；
2、举办大型联仪活动，让学生们的活动更加丰富多采
3、收集并统计出各院系学生会拥有的音像器材的种类及数量，并编制成表，方便学生会系统开展活动时租借音像器材。
4．做好与个系外联部几公关部的沟通几交流
5．院系各部门联系方式的收集
（六）劳生部
1、继续做好信件的收发并认真登记好快递包裹的领取，做好刊物的收发
3、做好各物品的收发及保管、系内劳资用品的保管，并认真做好登记杜绝丢失
3、继续发挥领导、组织和监督各楼委会工作的作用，配合系宿管中心和校保卫处，创文明新风、建文明校园。
4．做好晚上查寝工作，并真实记录，相应情况及时汇报
4、加强宿保工作的宣传力度，为同学们多做一些实事（如：组织开展义务维修活动，加大防盗、防火的宣传力度，为同学们出天气预报及以墙报形式宣传校园动态或一些生活小知识等）；
5、开展系列“武汉生物工程学院宿舍文明建设”的相关系列活动，如宿舍设计大赛、开放日活动等；
7、开展学年度宿管系统评优工作，并召开表彰大会。
七。组织部
1。做好新生团员的登记工作，并及时的掌握各班团支书的联系方式并与以存挡
2。组织并协调外联部组织好系学生会各种活动
3。做好团费的收缴工作，并及时掌握学生的各团员证件及档案的管理
（八）女工部
1、，不断突破、创新，组织开展一系列具有时代女性特色的文化艺术、娱乐活动。今年，我们将会大力提倡男女生共同参与，增进男女生之间的了解与沟通；
２、继续关注全校女生的情况，并充分利用学生会网站这一资源，在学生会网站上开设女生信箱，鼓励广大女生以上网投稿等方式倾诉心声，我们会及时向有关部门反映广大女生的实际意愿和需要，维护广大女生的权益。
（九）学通部
1、做好院系各大事情的新闻纪录，好的事迹，及时在学生会网站发表
2、做好系学生会网站的更新工作
3、追踪报道学生会系统活动，搞好网站宣传工作。
十 心理咨询部
1。建立心理咨询箱，方便学生的心理咨询
2。及时搞好心理讲座及人员的安排
*其他常规性工作
1、部长例会（每周一次）；
2、各部门扩大会议（每月一至两次）；
3、加强对学生会外围机构的管理；